巽 智子 | ![]() |
タツミ トモコ | |
大学院国際文化学研究科 グローバル文化専攻 | |
講師 | |
人文科学その他 |
Abstract This study investigates how Japanese-speaking children learn interactional dependencies in conversations that determine the use of un, a token typically used as a positive response for yes-no questions, backchannel, and acknowledgement. We hypothesise that children learn to produce un appropriately by recognising different types of cues occurring in the immediately preceding turns. We built a set of generalised linear models on the longitudinal conversation data from seven children aged 1 to 5 years and their caregivers. Our models revealed that children not only increased their un production, but also learned to attend relevant cues in the preceding turns to understand when to respond by producing un. Children increasingly produced un when their interlocutors asked a yes-no question or signalled the continuation of their own speech. These results illustrate how children learn the probabilistic dependency between adjacent turns, and become able to participate in conversational interactions.
Cambridge University Press (CUP), 2022年07月04日, Journal of Child Language, 1 - 19, 国際誌[査読有り]
研究論文(学術雑誌)
How do language learners avoid the production of verb argument structure overgeneralization errors (*The clown laughed the man c.f. The clown made the man laugh), while retaining the ability to apply such generalizations productively when appropriate? This question has long been seen as one that is both particularly central to acquisition research and particularly challenging. Focussing on causative overgeneralization errors of this type, a previous study reported a computational model that learns, on the basis of corpus data and human-derived verb-semantic-feature ratings, to predict adults’ by-verb preferences for less- versus more-transparent causative forms (e.g., * The clown laughed the man vs The clown made the man laugh) across English, Hebrew, Hindi, Japanese and K’iche Mayan. Here, we tested the ability of this model (and an expanded version with multiple hidden layers) to explain binary grammaticality judgment data from children aged 4;0-5;0, and elicited-production data from children aged 4;0-5;0 and 5;6-6;6 (N=48 per language). In general, the model successfully simulated both children’s judgment and production data, with correlations of r=0.5-0.6 and r=0.75-0.85, respectively, and also generalized to unseen verbs. Importantly, learners of all five languages showed some evidence of making the types of overgeneralization errors – in both judgments and production – previously observed in naturalistic studies of English (e.g., *I’m dancing it). Together with previous findings, the present study demonstrates that a simple learning model can explain (a) adults’ continuous judgment data, (b) children’s binary judgment data and (c) children’s production data (with no training of these datasets), and therefore constitutes a plausible mechanistic account of the acquisition of verbs’ argument structure restrictions.
F1000 Research Ltd, 2022年01月12日, Open Research Europe, 1, 1 - 1, 国際誌[査読有り]
研究論文(学術雑誌)
How do children learn to use discourse markers in conversational interactions? This study focused on a Japanese discourse marker un, typically used as a positive response for yes-no questions and as a backchannel, and tested our prediction that children first learn to use un to respond to questions and then use it as backchannels after interlocutors signal the continuation of their discourse. To this end, we built generalised linear models on the longitudinal conversation data from seven children aged between 1 and 5 years and their caregivers. Our model revealed that children not only increase the general probability of un to reach adults’ rates, but also learn to use un in response to yes-no questions as we predicted. Children also tend to produce un as a backchannel after the interlocutor’s final modal particle ne, which is typically used to set a common ground. Our results show that children gradually learn different interactional contexts for the use of un from local probabilistic coherence between turns in conversations.
Center for Open Science, 2021年06月21日, 英語Japanese polite language (teineigo) varies with the speaker-addressee relationship as well as social norms. Descriptive studies have found that young Japanese children use polite-speech early in development. This claim was experimentally tested in 3- to 6-year-old Japanese children and correct use of polite verb forms was found even in the youngest children. The early acquisition of these verb forms is surprising, because there is a Japanese social norm that parental speech to children is mostly not polite, so it is not clear how children acquire the knowledge of how to use polite forms. To examine this, a large scale corpus analysis of polite language was performed using a probabilistic measure of the intended addressee. We confirmed that parental speech is mostly not polite, but parents also produced a substantial amount of polite language that varied appropriately with addressees and this can help to explain the early use of polite speech in Japanese children under experimental conditions.
University of California Press, 2021年03月, Collabra: Psychology, 7 (1), 18989[査読有り]
研究論文(学術雑誌)
[査読有り]
研究論文(学術雑誌)
The acquisition of verb morphology is often studied using categorical criteria for determining the productivity of a morpheme. Applying this approach to Japanese, an agglutinative language, this study finds no consistent order for morpheme acquisition and that productivity could be explained by sampling effects. To examine morpheme acquisition using more graded measures of productivity, the authors compared various regression models for predicting the age of acquisition of 311 verb forms across a large combined corpus of seven Japanese-speaking children (aged 1;1–5;1). Complex forms were learned earlier than frequency-matched simple forms, and morpheme ending identity explained substantial variation. Both of these findings suggest that children have some segmented morphemes and have learned some of their semantic/pragmatic characteristics. Sampling would predict that verb form acquisition would be sensitive to lemma and ending frequency, but acquisition was also sensitive to aspects of input frequency that were independent of these factors, and this suggests that children are encoding whole verb forms in addition to creating forms with compositional morphological rules.
SAGE Publications, 2020年06月01日, First Language, 41 (1), 014272372092632 - 014272372092632[査読有り]
研究論文(学術雑誌)
[査読有り]
研究論文(学術雑誌)
[査読有り]
研究論文(学術雑誌)
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研究論文(学術雑誌)
Speech segmentation is supported by multiple sources of information that may either inform language processing specifically, or serve learning more broadly. The Iambic/Trochaic Law (ITL), where increased duration indicates the end of a group and increased emphasis indicates the beginning of a group, has been proposed as a domain-general mechanism that also applies to language. However, language background has been suggested to modulate use of the ITL, meaning that these perceptual grouping preferences may instead be a consequence of language exposure. To distinguish between these accounts, we exposed native-English and native-Japanese listeners to sequences of speech (Experiment 1) and nonspeech stimuli (Experiment 2), and examined segmentation using a 2AFC task. Duration was manipulated over 3 conditions: sequences contained either an initial-item duration increase, or a final-item duration increase, or items of uniform duration. In Experiment 1, language background did not affect the use of duration as a cue for segmenting speech in a structured artificial language. In Experiment 2, the same results were found for grouping structured sequences of visual shapes. The results are consistent with proposals that duration information draws upon a domain-general mechanism that can apply to the special case of language acquisition.
AMER PSYCHOLOGICAL ASSOC, 2017年03月, JOURNAL OF EXPERIMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY-HUMAN PERCEPTION AND PERFORMANCE, 43 (3), 466 - 476, 英語[査読有り]
研究論文(学術雑誌)
学位論文(博士)
The present study investigated children's early use of verb inflection in Japanese by comparing a generativist account, which predicts that the past tense will have a special default-like status for the child during the early stages, with a constructivist input-driven account, which assumes that children's acquisition and use of inflectional forms reflects verb-specific distributional patterns in their input. Analysis of naturalistic data from four Japanese children aged 1;5 to 2;10 showed that there was substantial by-verb variation in the use of inflectional forms from the earliest stages of verb use, and no general preference for past tense forms. Correlational and partial correlational analyses showed that it was possible to predict the proportional frequency with which the child produced verbs in past tense versus other inflectional forms on the basis of differences in the proportional frequency with which the verb occurred in past tense form in the child's input, even after controlling for differences in the rate at which verbs occurred in past tense form in input averaged across the caregivers of the other children in the sample. When taken together, these results count against the idea that the past tense has a special default-like status in early child Japanese, and in favour of a constructivist input-driven account of children's early use of verb inflection.
CAMBRIDGE UNIV PRESS, 2016年11月, JOURNAL OF CHILD LANGUAGE, 43 (6), 1365 - 1384, 英語[査読有り]
研究論文(学術雑誌)
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研究論文(学術雑誌)
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シンポジウム・ワークショップパネル(指名)
口頭発表(一般)
ポスター発表
口頭発表(一般)
口頭発表(一般)
口頭発表(一般)
口頭発表(一般)
ポスター発表
口頭発表(一般)
ポスター発表
口頭発表(一般)
口頭発表(一般)
シンポジウム・ワークショップパネル(公募)