ONISHI Yutaka | ![]() |
Graduate School of Law / Division of Law and Political Science | |
Professor | |
Law / Political Sciences |
Dec. 2014 サントリー文化財団, サントリー学芸賞, 『先進国・韓国の憂鬱』
Nov. 2014 樫山奨学財団, 樫山純三賞, 『先進国・韓国の憂鬱』
Jun. 2014 公共政策学会, 公共政策学会賞, 「韓国における市場志向的政党組織改革のゆくえ」(建林正彦編『政党組織の政治学』東洋経済新報社)
Jun. 2006 大平正芳記念財団, 第22回大平正芳記念賞, 著書『韓国経済の政治分析-大統領の政策選択-』(有斐閣、2005年)
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本稿は,韓国の福祉政治,とりわけ高齢者福祉をめぐる政治に関する近年の研究を分析することで,韓国で福祉政治をめぐる研究が,理論レベルでも方法論レベルでも劇的に変化していることを示す。福祉政治の研究は,かつては事例研究が中心であり,理論的にも階級の存在を重視していたが,近年,方法論的には計量分析に比重を移しており,理論的には一般的な政治過程論同様,有権者や政党に焦点が当たるようになってきている。有権者レベルでは福祉態度が,政党レベルでは地方自治体の福祉政策が分析の焦点となり,従来見られなかった豊かな成果を生み出すようになってきた。ただし,福祉政治の新たな研究動向は,重要な問題を含んでいる。韓国の福祉政治研究は方法論的に洗練されてきているが,科学的に妥当性の高い方法が検証すべき理論を限定するという転倒が生じてしまい,本来広大であるべき研究視野を狭め,研究対象を限定する傾向を示しているのである。
日本貿易振興機構アジア経済研究所, 2017, アジア経済, 58 (4), 55 - 75, Japanese[Refereed][Invited]
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比較政治学の観点から2016年の韓国国会議員選挙がなぜ与党敗北となる選挙結果が生じたのかを分析した上で、選挙結果が今後の政権運営に与える影響を検討する。
公益財団法人日本国際問題研究所, Oct. 2016, 国際問題, (第655号), 6 - 16, Japanese[Invited]
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This paper analyzes the relationship between substantive voting rights (SVRs) and electoral management bodies (EMBs). Since the Third Wave of democratization, electoral management has become a salient issueboth in developing and developed countries. We now witness many attempts, regardless of the level of development of a country, to improve electoral management. Two major directions are identifiable in this regard. The first approach involves making EMBs more independent from the executive branch. The secondapproach involves ensuring voting rights more substantively. These trends stem from a deep-rooted problem of worsening electoral performance evident in lower turnouts and eroding electoral credibility. This is an issue that, in extreme cases, can uproot the very foundation of democracy. However, despite widespread awareness of these problems, up to now there has been virtually no debate on the relations between SVRs and EMBs in political science. This paper utilizes the dataset in Massicotte et al.'s studyand provides a preliminary analysis of the relationship between EMBs and SVRs.
木鐸社, Dec. 2012, 日本選挙学会報 選挙研究, 28巻 (2号), 62 - 77, EnglishScientific journal
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When the Democratic Party of Japan won the general elections in 2009,and it was to be sure that the new government is formed around her, some of the party members made a proposal to organize a transition team to ensure a smooth transition from the old regime. The idea of a transition team is not in the insane. In fact, in the United States, the presidential transition law institutionalizes the team for a smooth transltlon. Transitions often cause confusion. But if such confusion can be avoided by making a transition team, it is desirable for the new administration and also for the voters who have chosen a new government. However, does making such a team ensure a smooth transition?In this paper, I examine this question through the case study of the presidential transitions in Korea。 Unlike the United States where the upper level of the bureaucracies is replaced through the change of presidents, the presence of the transition team can hamper the smooth transition in Japan and Korea who have the merit system bureaucracies. Whether the team can function or not depends on other institutional context relating to the institutional memory of the government.
Gakushuin University, Mar. 2011, 学習院大学 東洋文化研究, 13号、pp.93-116, 93 - 116, JapaneseScientific journal
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Both Hilary Rodham Clinton and Park Geun-hye conceded defeat in presidential party primaries and showed their willingness to cooperate with their respective competitors, Clinton is a good loser for President Obama while Park remains defiant by opposing President Lee. Why are there such significant differences between Clinton and Park in terms of the degree to which a loser in a presidential primary helps a winner in the campaign and, once elected, in the government? This study argues that loser's (dis-)consent is a reflection of party organization, and that it is dependent on the separation of powers and electoral cycles in a presidential regime. By examining Korean cases in detail, this study highlights the significance of timing in a loser's strategic consideration of actions for their next challenge as both presidential and legislative elections are non-concurrent and the interval between the two changes regularly in different presidencies.
Japanese Association of Electoral Studies, Jun. 2010, 日本選挙学会年報 選挙研究, No.26-1、pp.53-66 (1), 53 - 66, EnglishScientific journal
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大阪の都市政治を分析する特集の巻頭言
木鐸社, Oct. 2016, レヴァイアサン, (59号), 6 - 8, JapaneseIntroduction scientific journal
韓国の選挙管理委員会のあり方が選挙のあり方に大きな影響を与えていることを説明。
日本貿易振興機構アジア経済研究所, Sep. 2016, アジ研 ワールド・トレンド, No.251 (2016年9月号), 4 - 5, Japanese[Invited]
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本研究の目的は、行政組織改革の帰結を、実験アプローチを用いて説明することにある。行政組織改革の直接の帰結である、構成員の意思決定・行動や組織パフォーマンスの変化は、行政学の核心的テーマであるにも拘らず未解明である。本研究は、実験アプローチを行政学に適用し、上記テーマへの回答を与える。加えて、行政学の知見を加味することで、階統的構造を持った集団を対象とする新たな実験設計を提案する。 本研究で検証を予定する行政組織の改革事例は、2000年代以降、自治体で相次いで導入されている組織のフラット化である。組織のフラット化とは、組織階層の簡素化で不要な中間管理職を廃止し、組織の意思決定を迅速化する取り組みであるが、その効果をめぐっては議論が分かれている。本研究では、組織のフラット化が部下へのコントロールを弱めるという点に注目し、フラット化の成否を分ける条件を解明する。 そのために、本研究は実験室実験とそれを補完するための聞き取り調査を行う。実験室実験では、被験者数名を1 グループとし、階統的な組織とフラット組織の結果を比較する。上司と部下の選好の一致度と部下の能力を組み合わせて実験の条件を変化させる点が本実験のポイントである。平成30年度には実験設計し、神戸大学にてプレテストを行った。実験設計過程で、当初予定していたパソコンを用意しての実験より、ネットアプリを活用して実験を行うことが可能でかつ効率的であり、被験者数を飛躍的に増やせることが分かったため、計画を一部変更しネットアプリを用いたプレテストを金沢大学、早稲田大学で行った。
今年度の成果としては、計画されていた日本の地方政府と比較するための海外でのローカルガバナンス調査(具体的には関係アクター調査、社会団体、近隣住民団体、地方政府などへのサーベイ調査)が中国ならびにタイでの政治的環境の悪化から、実施を次年度に伸ばし、それらに替えて、市民へのweb調査を中国での3地域(北京、重慶、浙江)、韓国ソウル市、台湾台北市で行った。これはすでに行った日本13都市でのweb調査に対比可能なものである。また中国側協力研究者たちがローカルガバナンス調査の方法、意義をより理解を深めていただくため、6名を招聘し共同研究会を開催するとともに日本の関係機関(関東地域)への実地調査を行った。
共同研究の中間成果は『第四次 団体の基礎構造に関する調査(日本・社会団体調査)報告書』(筑波大学)228ページとして2019年3月にまとめた。調査の概要から社会過程の分析6論文、政治過程の分析3論文、国際比較分析1論文を含む。その他の日本調査のコードブックの編集も進め、次年度前半に刊行予定である。
そのほか、各分担研究者は、学術論文のほか、例えば
曽我謙悟.2019.『日本の地方政府』〈中公新書2537〉中央公論新社、大西裕(編)2018『選挙ガバナンスの実態 日本編』ミネルヴァ書房、として出版し、また辻中豊・山内直人編2019『ソーシャル・キャピタルと市民社会・政治:幸福・信頼を高めるガバナンスの構築は可能か』(出版は次年度)などを著述編集した。
国政レベルでは小選挙区比例代表並立制という同じ選挙制度を採用している日本・韓国・台湾の3カ国は、安定した二党制(台湾)・一党優位(日本)・新党乱立(韓国)を特徴とする政党システムとなっている。これは、単に政党間競争のパターンが異なるだけではなく、政党と社会の関係や政党組織のあり方といった「政党システムの制度化」の度合いが違うことを意味すると考えられる。本研究では、このような違いについて、研究メンバーが日本の政党組織を研究してきた経験を踏まえて、各国の政党の地方的基盤とその違いを生み出す選挙制度や選挙のタイミングに注目しながら説明することを目的とする。 本年度は、「政党システムの制度化」についての理論的な検討を進めると共に、分担者が手分けしつつ、日本・韓国・台湾について、文献研究と同時に、政党関係者・事務担当者(選挙管理、議会、地方自治など)への調査を行い、政党の地方組織やそれに大きな影響を与える地方議会の選挙制度や選挙のタイミングに注目しつつ、政党システム等の分析を進めた。 研究体制としては、研究代表者である品田の総括の下、理論・データ収集・各国分析について主担当者をおいた。「政党システム」に関する理論については砂原、フィールドとなる日本・韓国・台湾については、それぞれ濱本、大西、松本を主担当として計画を実施した。調査で得られた資料・データは、品田のコーディネートの下、平野が中心となり整理・加工等を行った。 本年度に、研究会やメンバー各自が行った政党システムや地方政治に関する研究は相当に幅広く、また調査分析の全ての成果が出るには至っていないが、知見を本プロジェクトの中心的概念である「政党システムの制度化」という概念で整理し、それぞれの国における政党システムが置かれた環境や制度化の要因について分析を進めることができた。
2017年度における簡易冊子発行に続いて、18年度は、森田東京大学名誉教授、新藤千葉大学教授、及び橋本関西学院大学名誉教授のオーラルヒストリー、そして佐藤成蹊大学名誉教授からの書面回答、更には、韓国・ソウル市立大学権教授、及びオーストラリア・メルボルン大学O'Flynn教授のご講演成果を、簡易冊子合計272頁として印刷・製本し、メンバー間で共有した。 そして、オーラルヒストリー研究として、水谷首都大学東京名誉教授、及び村松京都大学名誉教授からヒアリングを行い、本研究における国内ヒアリングの予定は、以上を以て完結した。その結果、16年度から継続してきたオーラルヒストリー成果は、合計10名の先達からのヒアリング結果として原稿完成したため、これら10名の方々のオーラルヒストリーを刊行すべく、商業出版社と交渉の結果、特定の出版社から出版契約の内諾を得た。よって、19年度において、具体的に出版に向けた準備を進めることとしたい。 加えて、海外の行政学研究成果の検討として、ドイツからWerner Jannポツダム大学教授、及びイギリスからAndrew Massey教授を招聘し、それぞれ、"History of the Ideas and Thoughts of Public Administration in Germany"、そして"The Historical background to Public Administration in England and the United Kingdom"と題した講演を伺った。これらの講演成果は、既に英語原稿としてご本人の最終校閲を経て、完成している。従って、海外オーラルヒストリー成果は、既に、韓豪独英四か国分を集成したこととなる。これらと、メンバー個々が執筆を進めている研究成果を糾合し、更なる出版に漕ぎ着けたい。
現在世界各国で電子投票、在外投票、期日前投票など有権者の投票権行使を積極的に保障する改革(積極的投票権保障、SVRs)が進められてるが、本研究は、その導入の条件、選挙管理機関に与える負荷や変化、有権者の投票行動に与える影響を調査、分析するものである。その分析のために、本研究は制度形成パート、有権者・政治家パート、制度効果パートの3つに分かれて調査を進めてきている。制度形成パートは国際班が担当し、有権者・政治家パートと制度効果パートは国内班が担当した。 制度形成パート:これまでの検討に基づき、選挙管理制度変更の原因とその効果について、各国・地域単位で検討を進めた。うち、東南アジア、東欧、アメリカ、イタリアについては論文を完成させ、政治学会年報に掲載した。また、在外投票と投票不正の関係について、在米メキシコ人に対する調査をおこない、現在英文査読誌に投稿中である。 有権者・政治家パート: 平成28年度におこなった全国市区町村選管調査の結果と、平成29年度におこなった有権者を対象としたアンケート調査の結果を分析し、その成果の一部を政治学会年報に掲載した。選管調査の結果は現在選挙時報に連載中である。まだ未分析のアクターである政治家に対しては、都道府県議会議員に対する全国調査をおこない、分析をおこなっている。 制度効果パート:平成28年度、参議院選挙時におこなったインターネット選挙のデータの分析結果を論文にし、政治学会年報に掲載した。期日前投票をおこなった有権者の方が当日投票をおこなった有権者より選挙後後悔が大きいことがわかり、選挙ガバナンスのあり方が投票結果に影響を与えていることが示された。
The purpose of this study is to clarify the effective governance of reconstruction/recovery over large-scale disaster by focusing on Kansai Regional Union’s approach to the Great East Japan Earthquake.In this study, we consider the points as follows: (1) understanding the difference between paring system and other support system, (2) cross-national research on the system in Japan, the U.S. and Taiwan. From this analysis, we find the paring system carried out by Kansai Regional Union enable the specific and continual support for disaster-affected area. Moreover, centralized support of Japanese government is weaker than the support of American and Taiwanese government.
The purpose of this research project is to make clear reasons and influences of electoral districts reform at the prefectural level in recent Japan. We examine the reality of change (or no change), and the effects of voters and politicians to the reform. Though our analysis is not yet finished, we temporary conclude that almost all voters support to decrease seats, and also that political factors (ex. share of Opposition parties) in the assemblies work. Through the case study, we found that District Magnitude and a variety of party competition are the important keys.
This study tried to investigate the ways in which globalization, especially deepening free trade, evoke various domestic responses and form domestic trade politics, using the case study method in combination with the quantitative analysis. We adopted two comparative case studies: We compare trade politics in Japan with South Korea, where free trade agreements have thrived, while we analyze how the politics of TPP played out at the national as well as the local politics levels. Based on the findings of the case study, we designed and conducted the internet survey experiments as well as the candidate surveys for the 2012 and 2014 Lower House Elections. We found expected employment concerns and consumer's benefit of the TPP played an important role in forming people's attitudes toward it. In addition, national security concerns framed within the real political discourse influence people's way of evaluating the TPP.
The East Asian countries (except Japan) achieved the V-shaped recovery through efforts to liberalize trade and investment, improve the technological capacity, and to make the labor market more flexible. These reforms never progressed through the automatic corrective mechanism of the market but were realized through political coordination of interests among big enterprises, SMEs, farmers, workers, and socially vulnerable people. The content and effectiveness of the reforms vary reflecting different political institutions and different state-society relations in these countries. However, they are converging in the point that political coordination of interests is increasingly difficult due to the trade-off relations existing between trade liberalization (and/or the labor market reform) and the enhancement of social welfare programs and between the short-term increase of returns for individual enterprises and the long-term improvement of the national capacity for technological innovation.
This research tries to elucidate the influence which electoral governance gives to a democracy by the comparative politics. This research fills in the big blanks on the study of electoral management through the comparative studies among the countries in the world and among the local governments in Japan.Our researches have two big findings different from commonsense views. 1st, equity and fairness of election can't be achieved only by independence of the electoral management bodies, which is recommended by international organizations like ACE(Administration and Cost of Elections). We need more complicated treatment for Electoral Integrity. 2nd, though it has been thought that business of the election administration committees are uniform and so they have executed fairly and equitably in Japan, but it's largely influenced by the state of the composition of the committee and its secretariat. Therefore we have a variation of electoral governance among local governments in Japan.
By surveying pressure groups, associations, policy network, and constituencies, we have found the following. In contemporary Japan, compared to older generations, the younger are less organized. And also non-manufacturing sector is less organized than the manufacturing. Viewed internationally, this characterizes Japan’s distinctiveness. Also, while older associations established after WWII are still robust, new associations have been modest in interest aggregation. Overall, the world of associations is shrinking. Under such social environment, it is difficult to assume that the initiatives taken by associations resulted in the governmental change in 2009. The change of government, however, affected the activities of the peak associations. Civil society is easily impacted by changes in politics. Our study shows that the effects of the change of government in 2009 were mainly found at the peak level. Almost no changes have been found in the Global Environmental Policy Network.
This project has focused on electoral politics in contemporaryJapan and aimed to understand changes in the relationship between politicians (mainly National Diet members) and constituencies as well as the relationship between politicians. In addition, this project has also attempted to identify the determinants of these changes empirically. Through extensive quantitative studies and detailed case studies at the district level, we have explained changing Japan’s electoral politics. We have broadly discussed various themes such as politicians’ electoral campaigns and legislative activities, their career path, the interaction between politicians and constituencies or between legislators, and parties’ national and local organizations. Our project has finally ranged over how the Diet or electoral systems should be. We believe that our project has provided unique contributions to understanding electoral politics in contemporary Japan.
In this study, I have investigated and analyzed the process of regime transition in South Korea referring to the American case. The following two points became clear. First, the United States and South Korea, even if they also adopted a presidential system, the performance of the transition regime is very different. The differences come from the difference of the civil service systems of the countries. In the United States who takes a spoils system and interchanges high-ranking bureaucrat at the time of regime change and South Korea who has not, there occurs a big difference in inheritance of the "institutional memory" about the handling of the government. Second, there is a possibility the existence of the transition team to inhibit a smooth transition. Transition team is originally intended to ensure a smooth transition. That is, the transition team is provided in order to minimize the confusion of this transition, and was to complement the memory loss associated with the regime change in the United States with spoils systems. However, the introduction of similar equipment into Korea who has different institutional context may function to inhibit the inheritance of institutional memory in reverse.
To examine the commonalities and variations among party organizations in advanced democracies, we have conducted, interviews over the headquarters as well as the local organizations of Democratic Party of Japan and Liberal Democratic Party, and a survey research over the representatives of the prefectural assemblies in Japan. From the comparative perspective, we have conducted various analyses over these data and information through several conferences.
本研究は、日本における政権変動、政策パラダイムの変化といった一連の政治変動が、どのような衝撃を、政策過程や市民社会に与えるかを、複数レベルの調査を行い検証しようとする。 政治構造が実質的に変化したとすれば、最初に中央政府や政党と緊密な関係を有し利益の確保に努力する圧力団体の態度に変容が生じ、それとともにアクター間の政策ネットワークが変容し、さらに分権改革とともに地方政府や草の根の市民社会に波及すると予想される。本研究は順次、圧力団体、政策ネットワーク、地方政府・市民社会を体系的に調査し、圧力団体、政策ネットワーク、市民社会の3レベルから日本政治の構造変動と政治・社会関係の変容を比較政治的に解明することを目的とする。これまでの仮説と予測される結果から、意義を述べると、1)3次の圧力団体調査からは、政党の勢力配置など政治変動の社会への主導性、つまり政権政党交代の大きなインパクトが示唆されている。2)政策ネットワーク調査からは、自民党優位体制下で比較政治的にみた日本のアクター関係の「少数固定性」が顕著であったが、2009年以後の新体制において、アクターのシフト、流動化が予想される。ネットワーク形も労働やNPOセクターへの拡大など構造変化も予測される。3)市民社会組織・地方政府調査から、それがどの程度、全国的に地方レベルまで浸透したかが確認される。 初年度は、研究分担を決定し、国際的な視野と既存データの体系的な検討から、調査のための仮説群を設定しようとする。国際的には「一党優位政党制以後」という視角から、またこれまでに行った13カ国市民社会比較の観点から検討する。本研究は途中で中止(Sの認定により)されたため、こうした作業を行う準備作業を進めたに留まった。メンバーの役割を確定し、一部の研究資料を購入し、仮説検討のための資料を印刷することに費やされた。
This is a pioneering study of electoral administration in the field of political science and public administration in Japan. As well as developing countries, even in developed countries, it is difficult to maintain political neutrality in electoral administration. Therefore, it is necessary to keep it independent from political power. However, strong independent agency is prone to politicized like the Electoral Management Committee of Korea. Variations occur between local governments in Japan under the same rule. Also correspondence between the institutions and the performance of electoral management as pointed out by previous studies can not be confirmed.
This research project comprehensively and empirically surveys the structure of Japan's civil society. Our goal in this research, which includes comparative data from the United States, South Korea, Germany, and China, as well as Japan, is to identify the characteristics of structure of governance or interactions between governments and society in Japan. The structure here indicates the overall organization of civil society, and this research focuses on three levels, namely, neighborhood associations, social organizations listed in the telephone directory, and registered NPOs. The surveys were constructed by drawing on theoretical concepts including civil society, social capital, policy network, and governance. Through the five-year term of this research, we comprehend the reality of three levels of civil society in Japan, by using approximately 40,000 cases of organization data and more than 4,000 items of data from more than 1,000 local governments showing their close relationship with civil society. Although on a smaller scale, we also undertook surveys in Germany, South Korea, the United States, and China.
本研究は、わが国の政治行政システムにおける中央-地方関係の位置づけ、中央と地方両レベルの政治行政構造の重層的なリンク、また両レベルの政治過程の連動等を、全国市区町村長調査の量的分析および行政・団体関係者へのインタビューによる質的分析を通じ、明らかにした。これにより、「政策受益団体・地方政府連合」論の有効性を確認し、今後、この概念を用いた日本型経営、日本型福祉国家、一党優位制の総合的な分析の手がかりを得ることができた。
1980年代後半以降の東アジア諸国の高度経済成長に注目して、世界銀行による『東アジアの奇跡』においては、東アジア諸国の経済発展過程における経済テクノクラートの役割やそれを中心とした制度の強靱性などが指摘され、大きな注目を集めた。しかし、その後経済政策の民営化の促進の他、各国では民主化の動きが過疎するなど、経済官僚を取り巻く環境は大きく変化した。このため、本研究では、こうした新しい政治経済環境の下で、経済テクノクラートの変容する役割に注目した。 まず、本研究では、これまで欠落していた東アジア諸国の経済政策策定と決定過程に関して、そのメカニズムと経済官僚の役割が明確にされた。次ぎに、これらの経済官僚に関する社会的バックグランウンド(教育歴、職歴など)に関する基礎データの総合的な収集と整理が行われた。 これらの作業を通じて、各国の経済計画策定・実行機関とそれを支える官僚機構の強靱さと98年経済危機における役割の変容が明らかになった。しかし、その方向性は必ずしも一様ではない。インドネシアのように、いったん弱体化したものの、近年かつてのように強化された国もあれば、マレーシアのように経済危機を契機により集中化した国も見られた。
This research insists that the political party be an important element to influence the economic policy by clarifying the reason why the correspondences to the serious finance crises which attacked Japan and South Korea in 1997 are greatly different, and presents a new perspective in the financial policy decision process. 1. We investigated timing and the scale of the demand expansionist policy in South Korea. The demand expansion has been generated on a large scale in 1999. We found that the information technology policy of the Kim Dae-jung administration is greatly related in this. That is, to expand electronic dealings, she encouraged the use of the credit card. Consumption has expanded because the credit cards were excessively used by consumers. However, credit card-caused bankruptcy come one after another, which needed an economic adjustment phase for the start of the Roh Moo-hyun administration. 2. We investigated the city banks' restructuring in South Korea in the first adjustment in 1998 and the 2nd adjustment and the mega-bank reorganization in 1999. In the first adjustment, we discovered a compulsory shape to deprive of the management right of the city banks that failed bankruptcy. In the second adjustment and the mega-bank reorganization, as a result of the first adjustment, the government had grasped the management rights of banks. From this point, as Jung says, the financial reform was done by a national initiation by the developmentalist way Korean government had done before. However, the view of the government has been greatly converted from the maintenance of domestic financial order and the supply of the industrial fund unlike before 1997. It was clarified that the following two influenced this conversion. First, the foreign capital participated in the financial institutions in South Korea, which introduced a new standard of bank-management. Second, the intention of the general voters who favored the bank management by the way the foreign capital likes was woven to the administration through the political party.
This research project combined theoretical, quantitative, and case studies to verify the basic hypothesis that a fundamental condition enabling the long-term endurance of democratic regimes is citizens' learning, through their experience of conflict and repression, of the importance or inevitability of democratic procedures. Theories on the norms of democracy and constitutional regimes present various images of democracy, from Shumpeter's view of democracy by elected leaders to deliberative democracy participated by the general public. What is more or less common in these theories is that democratic values are regarded as being formed through people's participation in deliberation and decision. This is a "positive learning" theory. Our quantitative analysis examined both "positive learning" and "negative learning" hypotheses. The latter is the major hypothesis of our project according to which appreciation of democracy stems from a negative learning of experiences of conflict and repression. Our analysis shows that "negative learning" effects are notably observed in Latin America while African countries are divided into two groups : one with "negative learning" effects and the other with "positive learning" effects. But the pattern in Africa is not as clear as in Latin America. Even less clear is the nature of democratic commitment in Asia. One of the reasons for this ambiguity is that Asia and Africa still contain many undemocratic countries where real commitment to democratic procedures is indistinguishable from mere expectation of a better future. In addition, factors that facilitate endurance of democracy may not be the same as ones that foster transition to democracy. Case studies show that effects of "positive learning" and "negative, learning" diverge according to different structures of social and political cleavage in each country. As a whole, however, our study successfully demonstrated that the basic hypothesis focusing on "negative learning" is no less valid than other existing hypotheses on democratic endurance.
The goal of this research project was to figure out causal relationship between political institutions and political outcomes, by comparing Japanese and Korean politics and public administration from the stand point of rational choice institutionalism which assume politicians and bureaucrats as rational actors. From 2005 and 2007 we could make interviews to legislators and officers of party organizations both for the governing party and the opposition parties, and figure out the nature of party organization and the situation of party politics in Korea. We have figured out that presidential system has had strong impact on party politics in Korea. While people have tried to introduce institutions to democratize and crystallize party organizations, power within political parties has been hold mainly by the president, the candidates of president, and the party executives around them. On the other hand, we have figure out that in the policy making process within the governing party, negotiation and accommodation between legislators and ministerial bureaucrats are especially important, which are quite different from policy making process within the opposition party.
In common with municipal systems in other advanced countries, Japan's local government experiences period of reform as policy makers seek to enhance the efficiency of municipal service delivery by amalgamation. However, amalgamation remains a controversial method of achieving local government reform. Some critics contend that coercive amalgamation may diminish the vibrancy of local democracy and reduce participation by the citizenry. In this study, we analyzed municipal amalgamation and cooperation internationally and compare them. We had intensive field survey in each country. In some countries, we find a change in emphasis away from municipal amalgamation toward alternative models such as shared services as a potentially successful method of improving the operational effectiveness of local government service provision. We also had the session at International Political Science Association (IPSA) World Congress in Fukuoka, July 2006, and we made discussion with Prof. Ari-Veikko Anttiroiko & Pekka Valkama (Finland), Prof. Patrick Le Lidec (France), and also with Prof. Nakharin Mektrairat (Thailand). The discussion on amalgamation and municipal cooperation was exciting and we have got many findings on these matters. In Japan, the movement towards amalgamation has calmed down and the number of municipalities decreased from 3200 to 1800. Although the amalgamation policy comes to a turning point, the next steps on municipalities is not clear. We hope that our study has some implication on Japan's next steps on municipality reform.
Competitive research funding
The Financial Policy in South Korea dramatically changed in 1987. While in the age of Authoritarian dominance before 1987, it was converted according to the change in economic conditions, after her democratization, there was little no change basically in the policy though economic conditions were bad. Why? This report approaches this question giving priority to the choices of political actors such as the president, Assembly members, and the bureaucrats. The relation between the president and the bureaucrats working on economic affairs belonging to Economic Planning Board, Ministry of Finance, and Ministry of Commerce and Industry is caught as the Principal-Agent relation. It is thought that the bureaucrats assist the president's decision making, and there was no big change in the point having taken part in the policy formation within the range that the president directs before the democratization and from now on. On the other hand, the president needed the Assembly approval in a lot of decision makings, so he had to face its members when he wanted to decide an important policy. Therefore, this report can conclude that the support base of the government party, which has changed from "YoChonYaDo " to "Regionalism" by her democratization, invented the difference of the result such as the change and the continuance of her financial policy. The change in the political party structure made the reflection of the public opinion into the Assembly more difficult than in the authoritarian age. Only the Kim Dae-jung administration that was able to secure the voters in a faithful, specific region exceptionally was able to change the policy, and succeeded in the escape from the financial crisis. That is, the change and the continuance of the financial policy were due to president's intention performed corresponding to the change in the public opinion and the change in the political party structure.
This research project has three aims : (1)to explore the differences and similarities regarding public policies and policy processes between Japan and Korea since the 1990s ; (2)to create a general and issue-specific models to account for the differences and similarities ; and (3)to publish research results. As a product of this project, collaborators completed papers on the following policy areas : financial policy, macro economic policy, currency policy, trade policy, language policy, local government policy, and foreign and security policy. These papers either compared Japan and Korea, or focused on one country. In addition to examining individual policy area, this research project's another notable achievement lies at conducting a comprehensive comparative analysis of social structure surrounding policy processes in Japan and Korea. During the same three-year period, by relying on additional research funds from other sources, we also conducted surveys in the United States, Germany, China, Russia, and Turkey to analyze the basic structure of groups in various civil societies. While policy network surveys often focus on the most important policy actors, our survey pays attention to all groups, unions, clubs, and associations that exist in civil society. Through comparative analysis based on these surveys, we came to understand more at the basic group level about various organizations' structure, resources, behavior patterns, relationships with other actors, and the level of politicization. These can serve as an independent variable to explain policy processes and policy outcomes. During the three-year collaborative research (and previous and consequent researches) with Korean scholars, we carried out the empirical survey to achieve the above stated research aims. The results were published in a book that has almost 500 pages. (Tsujinaka, Yutaka, and Jaeho Yoem, eds.2004. Gendai Kankoku no Shimin Shakai, Rieki Dnatai [Civil Society and Interest Groups in Modern Korea]. Tokyo : Bokutakusha.) While we were conducting survey in Korea and analyzing the results, we have also conducted similar surveys in China and Russia by using the same framework. (Funding for these surveys came from other source). We then compared the Chinese and Russian data with the Japanese data, and produced a code book as a reference.
This study presents the hypothesis that the most fundamental factor explaining the long-term endurance of democratic regimes is that people learn, through long and traumatic experiences of conflicts or repression, the importance or necessity of conforming to democratic procedures though being aware that these procedures do not necessarily satisfy their preferences. In addition, we propose to consider structural (both domestic and international) and institutional factors that facilitate or obstruct the democratic learning. This theoretical framework can be called a "structural-constructivist approach" since it emphasizes the democratic norms shaped under certain structural and institutional context. The case of Chile and Argentina confirms the importance of the change of social norms under highly repressive military regimes. However, it also emphasizes that a transformation of social structure lowered leftist forces' capability of mobilization and contributed to rightist forces' acceptance of democratic procedures. The African cases also reveal the importance of structural and institutional factors, though, in these cases, they impede, not facilitate, democratic endurance. Many African countries fell into a vicious circle in which ethnic conflicts and weak state structure reinforce each other. The recent event in Ukraine is a case in which a large-scale confrontation can lead to democratization although it is not yet clear if the new democratic regime can survive for long. The Southeast Asian case demonstrates that the significance of conflicts changes over time. Democracy there became a reality, like in Thailand after 1992, only when democracy came to be regarded as alleviating rather than precipitating conflicts. In contrast, Korea experienced democratization as the result of a rational choice by authoritarian leaders within a conflictive situation rather than the transformation of social norms. Taiwan shares the rational-choice-related aspect with Korea although the conflict between the Chinese and the Taiwanese was also relevant in inducing the authoritarian leaders to compromise.
In the Pre-War period, the personnel and finance control by the Ministry of Interior(MOI) accelerated the capability of Local Authority in Japan. After the War, the human resources strategy of the local governments performed the same role under the direct elected governor/mayor system. These include (1)personnel linkage between the central and the local governments, that is, staff dispatch from central government to local governments and vice versa, personnel exchange between local governments, (2)training, on the job and off the job, (3)the maintenance of salary level equivalent to private companies, (4) local policy initiatives by local governments' employees. Enrichment of human resources by these strategies have been essential factor to improve local autonomy. In this study, we analyzed the relationship between central and local governments taking human resources perspectives into consideration, although holding each researcher's own interest in high regard. From our research, we found that personnel linkage system is unique to Japan compared to other countries. Personnel disposition of MOI bureaucrats before WW two was substituted by new system after the War. In this system, direct elected governors/mayours consider the staff loan from central ministry and ask it. Although this practice are common in Japan, we need to examine whether this practice has improved the local autonomy.
本研究では、1990年代を中心に展開した金融自由化政策に政治や官僚制、金融機関が与えた影響を明らかにする。そのための作業として、まず第1に、1990年代の動きを整理するため、朝鮮日報等、韓国の主要な新聞に出てくる記事を整理した。その結果、部分的金融自由化の本格化は金泳三政権発足をきっかけに生じたこと、その主たる動機は、当時韓国を襲った不景気からの脱出には、1980年代まで広範に行なわれていた政策金融では不可能であり、金融自由化が資金供給の代替手段であったことが明らかになった。次に、金融改革を行なうために設けられた金融発展審議会、金融改革委員会の答申、IMFとの議定書等金融自由化計画に関する文書及び関連する研究論文を収集した。収集の過程で、1970年代から1980年代への政策志向の変化が重要であることに気づき、それに関する文献も収集した。この分析結果は、平成15年度に日文研叢書『日本の政治経済とアジア諸国』(村松岐夫京大教授編)所収の論文に反映されている。なお、大統領-議会関係が経済政策に与える影響を分析するために行なった研究成果は、2001年度現代韓国朝鮮学会シンポジウム報告「不可解なハンナラ」で公表した。 平成14年度はいくつかのケースを中心に、金融政策決定に関わったと考えられている政治アクターの行動を調査した。対象としたのは、韓国の金融政策の重要な転換点となった91年の部分的金利自由化開始と、97年の金融改革委員会答申、98年の通貨危機下での第1次金融構造調整と、転換点となり損ねた93年の金融発展審議会答申である。分析の結果、民主化によって政党構造が変化したことが、権威主義時代にはあった政策循環を止め、財閥企業の経営効率を低下させていったことが明らかになった。 以上の成果は、一部をすでに公表したが、著書としてまとめて公表する予定である。
The purpose of this research was to analyze from a political science point of view, the reason behind the delay in Japan's policies towards the bubble economy. In order to accomplish this, the project collected and compiled data and material, while also conducting extensive interviews and theoretical research. Furthermore, public opinion polls and press information was accumulated for data analysis. The emphasis of the project cab be dividedinto two parts : 1) fto, Mabuchi, and Onishi explaining the managing of the post-bubble collapse, and 2) Kato, Kume, and Shinada explaining environment priori o and after the bubble economy. In l), Ito and Mabuchi focused on the jusen problem. As this issue severely damagedthe image of using public funds among the general public, this made it increasingly difficult to utilize the same policy in relieving the bad credit, problem. Mabuchi followed the first, and second rebuilding plan of the NichijuMn, and examined the policies and actions of the actors. Ito used the neo institutionalism approach to explain the convoy policy and other numerous bureaupratic scandals. Onishi examined the Korean currency crisis, and explained the limits that were revealed of the quasi-central bank, leading to the the flight of the investors. In 2), Kato revealed the similarity and low fluidity shared among bureaucrats, parlies, and business institutions. The pros to this trait is that it is efficient when forming a consensus and implementation, yet the cons are that, it permits the demise of the functions of the institution. Kume examined and analyzed the press response to the usage of public funds to relieve bad credit. Shinada examined the election promises of each candidate and categorized them into two groups, "total-individual" and "creation-revision." The results revealed that after 1993, "creation-revision" type political reform pledges increased dramatically. As seen above, the project succeeded in fulfilling its main objectives. However, there still remain a few areas that still need to be examined. Upon incorporating the final results, the project will be published at the earliest, possible time.
The purpose of this project is to explore the impact of decentralization reform on the political and economic development in developing countries. The targeted countries in this project have been Thailand, Philippine, Malaysia, Indonesia and China. The research results are grouped into three areas : analysis of local government in the developing countries, recent decentralization reforms in the above countries, and some theoretical arguments concerning the relationship between decentralization and developments. In addition to the above countries, we made some efforts to under-stand the Korean local government, which is the recent and most important and successful case of decentralization in Asia. We invited Professor Young-Joo Kwon from the City University of Seoul for information about the case of Korea. Concretely, what we have done in this project are as follow. First we studied laws concerning local government in the above countries. Powers given to local governments, field agencies of central government, local civil service etc., are the items about which we collected information. Secondly, we analyzed and compared the merits and demerits of the two types of the local governmental system, that is, the European integrationist model and, the separatist model expressed recently in the model of fiscal federalism. For the exchange of information on each country selected, and also for deepening the understanding of theoretical arguments in this field, we held workshops six times. Our research results are being applied in practice. Based on the this two years Kagaku-Kenkyu-Hi research, M.Muramatsu.Y.Katayama, H.Nagai and K.Akizuki from this team have been participating in the JICA project on Thai-Japan joint research on Thai Decentralization and Capacity Building.
1990年代に入って韓国が迎えた本格的な文民政権である金泳三・金大中両政権は、いずれも行政改革の世界的な潮流に則って、新自由主義的な行政改革をおこなおうとしてきた。本研究は2つの政権の行政改革に関するパフォーマンスを調査した。当初の予定では両政権の違いを浮き彫りにし、因果関係を明らかにすることに重点を置いていたが、調査を終えてむしろ重要であるとわかったのは両政権の共通性であった。両政権は、同じような分野を改革し、同じような分野で改革が進まず、改革の進展も同じペースであった。すなわち、両政権は、中央省庁再編、公務員制度改革といった、政府組織内部の改革には積極的かつラディカルに取り組むが、規制緩和は漸進主義的で、公私領域の見直しにつながる民営化はほとんど進めないのである。改革のペースについては、政権初期に急速に改革を進めるが、中期以降改革はほとんど進行しなくなる。 ではなぜ以上のような特徴を両政権は示したのであろうか。本研究でこの解答として得たのは2つである。一つは、改革の内容を規定しているのは、改革が持っている大統領権力と中枢管理機能を強化する方向性である。すなわち、行政府の権限や資源がトップに集中する方向での改革はなされるし、ライン官庁の権限を割く規制緩和は可能であるが、大統領権限の縮小につながる公企業の民営化は進行しない。もう一つは、大統領任期が単任制であるためレイムダック化が早く、任期の中盤には政策パフォーマンスが低下することが行政改革のペースを規定しているということである。 両政権が意外な共通性を持ったのは、韓国の大統領制と行政府が持つ制度的な特徴に由来するものであったからである。この限りにおいて、歴史的新制度論の分析枠組みが有効であることが本研究で確認された。
This project purports to contribute to the capacity building in the area of local government in developing countries, We have made two observations on this subject. First, decentralization has been a well accepted issue by both the government and progressive leaders. In addition to, the dominating countries(or suzerain) in the past, the donors such as industrialized countries, the World Bank or the Asian Development Bank are currently influential in reforming the governmentalsystems in these countries : While the thrust of our project is directed to the system of local government as a whole, we have paid our special attention to the civil registration system, which has been neglected by donors and on which there have been very few studies. People in most of the developing countries, especially those in Africa, were averse to having the registration system itself at the initial stage after their countries' achieving independence. This attitude came from their memories of and experiences in the colonial period. Gradually, however, people came to accept the idea of civil registration. In today's worldwide trend toward the welfare state, the nature of the residents' registration (in government) has changed. The registration system is now accepted useful. However, for the purpose of delivering the welfare serrices it is difficult to establish well-organized systems of civil gistrat ion and maintain it. We have submitted our proposal that the civil registration system should be introduced in the developing countries to the Japan International Cooperation Agency(JICA), hoping the proposal to be adopted as one of their support projects. We do not know the result of their decision, but JICA has shown interest in our proposal. They even suggested that we should extend our trial to the tax collection system and other administrative procedures for the purpose of improving governance and capacity-building in the developing countries. The projects with broader implications, like introducing the agency delegation or grant system operated in Japanese central-local relationship would be our next project.
本研究では、1950年代末から1970年代末までの韓国産業銀行の意思決定過程を調査した。調査は、基本的には各種文書資料の収集分析によった。まず第1に、基礎的なデータとして当該期間の銀行行政について韓国官報、東亜日報等の記事を調べた。ただし、これらは多くが決定の結果であり、基本的は事実はつかめたが、意思決定過程は把握できなかた。第2に、韓国産業銀行の融資の流れをつかんだ上で、財務部、韓国銀行の報告文書を収集しようとした。しかし、関連する資料はほとんど国内では発見できず、韓国に行って現地で研究する必要を痛感することになった。なお、現地の機関からの協力については、協力者が多忙のため、なかなか資料を得ることができず、現在ようやくその分析をはじめたところである。第3に、建設部、経済企画院、商工部、交通部等の意思決定の内容と決定過程を検討するため、それぞれの機関及びそれに付属する、経済開発研究院等の研究機関の、関連する研究報告や年次資料等を収集した。特に、韓国産業銀行に重大な影響を与えた経済開発研究院についてはほぼフォローアップすることができた。第4に、韓国産業銀行の人事の動きを調べるため、関連データを収集した。現在、このデータの中心部分であるキャリア・パスの入力作業を行なっている最中である。 全体として、当該年度中は関係資料の収集に終始し、その分析が不十分であった。また、資料のなかには日本国内には存在しないものが多々あり、韓国に赴いて直接収集をおこなう必要性を痛感した。本研究については、収集した資料の一部を利用して、このテーマに関して、日韓文化交流基金にて研究会報告を行ない、現在論稿を執筆中である(平成10年出版予定)。しかしながら、まだ資料収集とその分析が年度内には不十分にしかおこなえなかった点は、この研究をまとめる上で今後の検討課題として残っていると思われる。
本研究では、韓国における1950年代末から1970年代初めまでの銀行行政をめぐる政策決定及び執行過程について調査をおこなった。調査は、基本的には各種文書資料の収集分析によった。 まず、基本的なデータとして、1950年代末から1970年代初めまでの銀行行政について韓国官報、東亜日報に掲載された記事を調べた。但しこれらの中には政府の金融政策に関する叙述はみられたが、銀行への行政の関与については、表面的な問題点の辛しい決定ぐらいしか分からなかった。 次に、これらのデータをもとに銀行行政の流れをつかんだ上で、実際に銀行行政の中核をになってきた財務部、韓国銀行、金融通過運営委員会(1962年以前は金融通過委員会)の報告文書を収集した。このうち、財務部と韓国銀行についてはある程度の報告文書が得られたが、金融通過運営委員会については、残存する資料が日本国内ではほとんど見当たらなかった。 第3に、経済企画院、商工部の意思決定の内容と決定過程を検討した。これらについては、貿易振興との関係からある程度収集することができた。第4に、経済官庁で銀行行政に関係する機関の人事の動きを調べた。 全体として、当該年度中は関係資料の収集に終始し、その分析が不十分であった。また、資料のなかには日本国内には存在しないものが多々あり、韓国に赴いて直接収集をおこなう必要性を痛感した。本研究については、収集した資料の一部を利用して、このテーマに関して国際政治学会にて学会報告を行ない、論稿を著した。しかしながら、まだ資料収集とその分析が年度内には不十分にしかおこなえなかった点は、この研究をまとめる上で今後の検討課題として残っていると思われる。
本研究では、韓国で急速な経済成長が始まる一方で、日本では繊維不況が生じる時期におこった韓国における輸出自由地域の形成と日本の繊維産業移転を調査した。調査は、基本的には各種文書資料の収集分析と面接調査によった。 まず、当該年代における日本の繊維産業の移転状況、日本及び韓国の繊維産業の生産量の変遷を把握すべく資料を収集した。特に、日本から韓国に移転した企業(具体的には大阪府下の企業)の動向について追い、日本の中央政府・地方政府(具体的には大阪府)及び韓国政府から移転に際してコスト負担やサンクションがなかったかを調査した。 第2に、日韓中央政府間で焦点となっていた日韓基本条約締結の際の対日請求権に基づく援助・借款がどのように韓国側で使用されたかを調べた。この資金の多くは基礎的産業育成のための投資にまわっていたことが明らかになったが、それは大まかな概略だけであり、必要となるデータを十分とるためには日本国内では限界があった。 第3に、日本から韓国への移転をおこなった企業を調べ、日本及び韓国の中央・地方政府が移転に際しどのような対応をとったのかを当時の企業トップに聞き取り調査をしようとしたが、実際には当時の関係者を捕まえることは困難で、通信会社の記者にインタヴューするにとどまった。 最後に、企業の移転元である日本の地方政府が、移転に際し失業等のコストを埋めるための対応に関する資料を収集した。 全体として、当該年度中は関係資料の収集に終始し、その分析が不十分であった。また、韓国側の資料を収集するためには日本国内では限界があり、韓国での収集をおこなわねばならない。これらがこの研究をまとめる上で今後の課題として残っている。